Saturday, November 27, 2021

Kkk essay

Kkk essay

kkk essay

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The KKK in the s



This site looks at politics, kkk essay, broadly construed, through the prism of the Klu Klux Klan. Its counterpart looks at popular culture, kkk essay, again construed broadly, kkk essay. My hope is that together they provide a coherent view kkk essay some of the key developments of the decade, kkk essay. I first began serious research into the Klan and the politics of the s when Charles W. Estus, Sr. and I guest curated an exhibition on the "Swedish Creation of an Ethnic Identity for Worcester, Massachusetts" at the Worcester Historical Museum, a project underwritten by a public programs grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities, kkk essay.


Professor Estus and I co-authored an accompanying monograph and cataglogue, gå till Amerika Worcester Historical Museum,for which I wrote the chapter on "The Tribal Twenties. During that period Professor Estus and I had numerous and intense conversations kkk essay which I learned much. I cannot overstate their value in shaping my thinking. I have also benefitted more than I can say from my exchanges with my friend Gerd Korman.


His work on Americanization was an early influence on my own, kkk essay. More recently, his studies of American traditions of anti-Semitism have taught me much. I have also learned a great deal from Robert O. Paxton's essay on the five stages of fascisms; from Nancy MacLean's Behind the Mask of Chivalry ; from William D. Jenkins, author of Steel Valley Klan and an advisor to the exhibition; and from Kathleen M. Blee's Women of the Klan: Racism and Gender in the s.


McClymer, October 13, ]. Though men and women drop from the ranks they remain with us in purpose, kkk essay, and can be depended on fully in any crisis. Also, there are millions who have never joined, but who think and feel and -- when called on -- fight with us. This is our real strength, and no one who ignores it can hope to understand America today. How seriously are we to take Evans' claim? Did the Klan, of which he was the "Imperial Wizard and Emperor," speak not only for the millions who joined but for millions more?


Was he right to boast that no one who hopes to understand America in the s can succeed without first coming to grips with the views -- and the feelings -- of Klan members and sympathizers? Some historians have taken the Klan very seriously, kkk essay. They agree that, while it was in Evans' interest to claim the greatest possible kkk essay for his organization, he was clearly right to argue that its adherents and sympathizers numbered in the millions.


At right is an idealized painting, unsigned, of a Kansas Klansman, circa How seriously are we to take Evans' essay as a kkk essay of Klan views? Historian Loren Baritz noted in in his The Culture of the Twenties that "The Klan's Fight for Americanism" was "the best statement of the Klan's credo that has ever been written. This led Baritz to caution readers that the Imperial Wizard might well downplay certain aspects of Klan belief and practice even as he kkk essay its strength.


Further, Evans knew that the editors of the Review had invited several noted critics of the KKK, kkk essay, including W. DuBois, kkk essay, kkk essay contribute articles for the subsequent issue.


He thus sought to anticipate what these critics might say. Evans would have hardly made such an admission in an official Klan publication, kkk essay, although claims that Providence watched over the KKK were common in that literature.


Nonetheless, kkk essay, "The Klan's Fight for Americanism" makes no apologies for its members' attempts to impose their views upon "liberals," immigrants, Catholics, Jews, or peoples of color. Instead it sounds a clarion call for the Klan's "progressive conservatism" and celebrates its influence in American public life.


Still, the question remains: How seriously should we take the Klan's "credo" as a guide to its appeal? As Robert O. Paxton pointed out in "The Five Stages of Fascism" in The Journal of Modern History :. Although one can deduce from fascist language implicit Social Darwinist assumptions about human nature, the need for community and authority in human society, kkk essay, and the destiny of nations in history, fascism does not base its claims to validity upon their truth.


Fascists despise thought and reason, abandon intellectual positions casually, and cast aside many intellectual fellow-travellers. They subordinate thought and reason not to Faith, as did the traditional Right, but to the promptings of the blood and the historic destiny of the group. Their only moral yardstick is the prowress of the race, of the nation, of the community. They claim legitimacy by no universal standard except a Darwinian triumph of the strongest community. Is it appropriate to label the Klan of the s "fascist"?


Surely it is one of the most overused terms in contemporary discourse. Yet, Paxton points to the first Klan as "the earliest phenonemon that seems functionally related to fascism. was a kkk essay preview of the way fascist movements were to function in interwar Europe, kkk essay.


Further, as we will see, the second Klan espoused all of the "mobilizing passions" Paxton identifies as characteristic of fascism:. Feelings propel fascism more than thought does, kkk essay. We might call them mobilizing passions, since they function in fascist movements to recruit followers and in fascist regimes to "weld" the fascist "tribe" to its leader. The following mobilizing passions kkk essay present in fascisms, though they may sometimes be articulated only implicitly, kkk essay.


The primacy of the group, toward which one has duties superior to every right, whether universal or individual. The belief that one's group is a victim, a sentiment which justifies any action against the group's enemies, kkk essay, internal as kkk essay as external.


Dread of the group's decadence under the kkk essay effect of individualistic and cosmopolitan liberalism. Closer integration of the community within a brotherhood fascio whose unity and purity are forged by common conviction, kkk essay, if possible, or by exclusionary violence, if necessary.


An enhanced sense of identity and belonging, in which the grandeur of the group reinforces individual self-esteem. Authority of natural leaders always male throughout society, culminating in a national chieftain who alone is capable of incarnating the group's destiny.


The beauty of violence and of will, when they are devoted to the group's success in a Darwinian struggle. If the Klan of the s was a fascist movement, how seriously are we to take the views Evans put forward?


Paxton identifies five "stages" of fascism. It is the first two -- "the initial creation" and "their rooting as parties in a political system" -- that relate to the KKK. The Klan never advanced beyond the second stage, and reached that only partially and ineffectually. Where national peculiarities do come into play is in how fascist intellectuals and spokespeople drew upon particular national traditions to articulate their message.


Here, kkk essay, then, is a guide to reading Evans' essay and other Klan pronouncements. We are pleased that modern research is finding scientific backing for these convictions [about the importance of "racial instincts"], kkk essay. We do kkk essay need them ourselves; we know we are right in the same sense that a good Christian knows that he has been saved and that Christ lives -- a thing which the intellectual can never understand. These convictions are no more to be argued about than is our love for our children; we are merely willing to state them kkk essay the enlightenment and conversion of others, kkk essay.


We in the lead found ourselves with a following inspired in many ways beyond our understanding, with beliefs and purposes which they themselves only vaguely understood and could not express, but for the fulfillment of which they depended on us. We found ourselves, too, kkk essay, at the head of an army with an unguessable influence kkk essay produce results for which the responsibility would rest on us -- the leaders -- but which we had not foreseen and for which we were not prepared.


As the solemn responsibility to give right leadership to these millions, and to make right use of this influence, was brought home to us, we were compelled to analyze, put into definite words, and give purpose to these half conscious impulses. Evans and his colleagues clearly succeeded in putting "these half conscious impulses" into "definite words.


If they did not succeed in finding a long-term niche for themselves in the political party system, kkk essay, this spoke to the opposition they encountered from the objects of their attacks, especially within the Democratic Party, on the one hand, and the success of the Republican Party in implementing key conservative policies during the s, on the other.


In the case of the Democratic Party, kkk essay, the key battleground was the Convention. The Klan endorsed William Gibbs McAdoo, the frontrunner for the kkk essay. Senator Oscar Underwood of Alabama and Governor Al Smith of New York both called upon the party to repudiate the Klan by name in the platform. This motion kkk essay by four votes. The vote, however, was not a Klan victory, kkk essay. Instead it meant that Smith and Underwood had more than enough strength to challenge McAdoo and effectively prevent him from getting the nomination which required a two-thirds majority.


Finally, after 98 ballots Smith withdrew, kkk essay. On the rd ballot the nomination, now thoroughly worthless, went to John W. Davis of West Virginia. Davis then did what the platform failied to do; he repudiated the Klan by name. McAdoo's political career was over. Smith won the nomination in As for the success of the Republicans in implementing conservative positions, a most impressive case in point is immigration restriction, a cause the Klan vigorously espoused.


The Republicans delivered on this with the Johnson-Reed Act of which targetted precisely those nationalities the Klan labelled most dangerous.


The Klan vociferously opposed the role kkk essay Catholics in public life, to cite another important issue. Since these Catholic officeholders and office seekers clustered in the Democratic party, it was the Republican party which provided the candidates to oppose them.


The Klan supported Prohibition. It was Coolidge and then Hoover who carried the standard of "the noble experiment," as Hoover called it. In addition, historians point to the scandals within the leadership of the KKK, ranging kkk essay instances of fraud to the trial of Indiana Klan leader D.


Stephenson for kidnapping and rape. However sincere the convictions of millions of members, Klan leaders came from the ranks of travelling salesmen, confidence artists, and opportunists generally. Their inability to keep these proclivities hidden from the membership undoubtedly weakened the KKK, kkk essay. What is striking in this regard is how long this process of kkk essay took.


The Klan's inability to become a part of the political party system, except for brief periods of time in a few scattered states, as a result, does not mean its import was trivial. Clearly we must heed Evans' claim that one has to understand the Klan and the "half conscious impulses" it expressed in order to understand the public life of the s. Had the Steel Strike of with its communist leadership succeeded, had the Red Scare crackdown on leftwing kkk essay movements been less thorough, had the bombings of continued into the s, had Klan leadership been bent on political power rather than personal gain, kkk essay, had, in short, conditions been more favorable to the emergence of the KKK as a political party, it might well had succeeded.


As it was, the Klan exerted significant influence.




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kkk essay

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