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The defining feature of colonial Queensland was its high immigrant population. As well as the multitude of English, Irish, Scottish and German settlers that accepted governmental offers of open land and assisted passage, there was also a significant Scandinavian element that would call Queensland home. The Scandinavians that arrived in Queensland were part of a much larger diaspora that had its beginnings as early aswhen the first pioneering groups of Norwegian migrants left for new homes in the United States of America.
While the reasons for Scandinavian emigration were complex, the majority of these migrants were economic in focus; that is, they eschewed an underdeveloped, overpopulated, poverty-stricken Scandinavia and instead sought new opportunities in the flourishing settler societies of the United States, Canada, South Africa, New Zealand, and Australia.
Over the next century, over 2. Ellen Paulsen notes that Australia became a more hospitable choice for Scandinavians later in the nineteenth century, once influenced by the accounts of explorers and scientists visiting Australian shores, such as Swedish naturalist Erik Mjöberg and Norwegian zoologist Carl Lumholtz.
According to demographer W. However, prospective immigrants, often drawn from poverty and servitude, were often still unprepared and lacking vital knowledge of what to expect upon arrival. As Danish carpenter, Thorvald Weitemeyer, noted in Missing Friends of his voyage from Hamburg in What a motley crew we were: Germans, Danes, Swedes, Norwegians, a Russian Finn, and an Icelander. There were many nationalities, danish language press in america doctoral dissertation the university of michigan 1972 scandinavians, but in the majority of cases extreme poverty was evident in their dress and stamped upon their faces, and it was easy to see that the same spirit of recklessness which filled me had somehow also been instilled into them.
Nearly everybody had guns, revolvers, and knives, which were promptly taken from us as we stepped on board … None of us knew anything about Queensland, and many were the surmises and guesses at what the country was like and what we were going to do there. In terms of Australian settlement, by the s Queensland had become the prime focus of many of these Scandinavian sojourners.
Following the arrival of the first assisted Scandinavian contingent to Maryborough in Augustimmigrant numbers increased at an astonishing rate. According to Koivukangas, in the decade between andthe Scandinavian population of Queensland more than trebled from persons toand only four years later innumbers had increased five-fold to peak at ByQueensland was home to more than half the Danish population of Australia, with some Danes residing in the state.
While New South Wales and Victoria were home to the majority of Swedes and Norwegians, roughly a quarter called Queensland home, with combined. From these figures, it can be seen that a large proportion of those Scandinavians reaching Australia at this time came directly to Queensland, a place which at the time was not as developed, nor as enticing as the large colonial cities of the southern states. Other skilled migrants remained in the towns as craftspeople or traders, while many others became involved in mining, settling in substantial numbers near the goldfields of Charters Towers, Gympie, Mount Morgan and the Palmer River.
According to Ronald Lawson, by Queensland had the largest proportion of non-British in its population than any other Australian colony, most strongly represented by the Germans and Danish language press in america doctoral dissertation the university of michigan 1972 scandinavians who made up 2. As early asMelbourne-based Danish immigrant, newspaper editor and historian, Jens Lyng, opined that Queensland, rather than the southern states, was particularly advantageous to Nordic community-building processes.
While still in small numbers, Lyng posited that only in Queensland and New Zealand were there adequate concentrations of rural Scandinavians to enable a similar style of cultural maintenance as was being experienced by the more numerous German-Australian communities.
Lyng was insistent that the clusters of Scandinavian farmers near Mackay, Bundaberg, Maryborough and Warwick, and the large number of Danish settlers in south-east Queensland as a whole — around incompared to only in New South Wales and in Victoria — would allow their own cultural practices and traditions to flourish inter-generationally.
Another settler, who wrote to Lyng innoted the prosperous migrant communities that grew in the farming hinterlands of south-east Queensland:. I was one of the Danes who in selected land in the Pialba district. We were upwards of forty Scandinavian families, and more arrived later. Most of these early settlers are there still.
The dense forest has disappeared, and the district presents a beautiful landscape covered with luxuriant fields of maize, sugar plantations, and vinyards. Between andthis strong flow of northern European migrants enabled vibrant social organisations to grow and potential ethnic communities develop in colonial Queensland.
In many ways Lyng was correct; the large concentrations of Scandinavians in Queensland towns and farming communities did, at least for a time, encourage widespread cultural and social activity among migrants keen to reconnect with others from their ancestral homelands. Most, however, did not last. These early associations grew from the desire for migrants to join forces under the practical umbrella of pan-Scandinavianism, to promote an environment of friendship, co-operation, support and social welfare for migrants of all three nationalities.
They also mirrored the experiences of those migrants who had arrived in the United States between andwhere the early years of mass migration had seen concerted efforts to create a sense of pan-Scandinavian ethnic identity within North American communities due to relatively small numbers of Scandinavian immigrants, and the natural tendency for Danes, Norwegians and Swedes to seek each other out in an unknown and alien society, according to historian Dag Blanck.
Across Queensland, the influx of assisted migrants from onwards allowed for the formation of Scandinavian associations in the migrant-laden townships of MaryboroughRockhamptonand Charters Towers s. Often beginning as friendly societies to provide sickness benefits to members, most of these early Scandinavian societies evolved into social associations after realising their inability to compete with larger Australian benefit funds.
In this newly adapted social role, the associations of Queensland enjoyed a high level of membership for a brief period, with Maryborough and Charters Towers maintaining approximately 60 and 40 members, respectively, at their peak in the late s. Most of these societies, bar Heimdalhad folded by InDanish cabinet-maker and Heimdal member, Peter Thomle, introduced the sport of target birdshooting Fugleskydning to Queensland, where danish language press in america doctoral dissertation the university of michigan 1972 scandinavians was taken up as an important migrant social event and spread to other colonial centres.
As well as this, the metropolitan migrants who were able to frequent these clubs were often involved in picnics, masquerade balls and parties. Administering to such a fragmented flock was, however, difficult for the few Scandinavian ministers present in Queensland in the s and s — most were missionaries, and therefore often unable or unwilling to stay in one community as they tried to spread the word of god to as many dispersed settlers as possible.
When no ordained Scandinavian Lutheran ministers were available, a group of lay preachers administered over half a dozen small congregations in Brisbane, Mackay, Maryborough, Nikenbah, Tiaro, and Tinana. Unable to procure more ministers from Scandinavia, many migrants simply began to accept the ministrations of other protestant denominations, in order to gain more regular and stable guidance.
Forced to seek religious refuge among the larger German congregations, the uniting sentiments of Lutheranism enabled church congregations drawn from various nationalities to be considered, and fill the void left by a lack of Scandinavian Pastors. In fact, many Scandinavian congregations often arose as offshoots from German groups, by Scandinavian preachers already involved and employed in the larger German Church.
Pastor C. Gaustad, for example, who had trained in Norway and Germany, came to Brisbane to administer to German migrants in but soon was preaching in Norwegian to Scandinavian groups within the German church. After relocating to Mackay, Gaustad was intent on fostering a united Lutheran identity, and established a combined German-Scandinavian parish there.
Transnational Lutheranism was particularly strengthened in Queensland with the creation of the United German and Scandinavian Lutheran Synod of Queensland in Bydanish language press in america doctoral dissertation the university of michigan 1972 scandinavians, only four years after its establishment, the Scandinavian congregation had severed its ties to become an independent synod, danish language press in america doctoral dissertation the university of michigan 1972 scandinavians.
With the dissolution of the United German and Scandinavian Lutheran Synod of Queensland and the return of its overworked and ill mastermind, Pastor C. Petersen, to Denmark inLyng posits this as the end of a united Scandinavian Church in Queensland. Bolstering the numbers of Scandinavian settlers to enter Australia during the s to s and maintaining such ideas of viable ethnic communities was, as noted above, difficult.
Scandinavian migration patterns reflected opportunities that were largely dictated by the supply and demand of Australian immigration policies, which were in turn bound up with climactic and economic conditions. Consequently, immigration boomed and busted along with the land-based economy, and this had startling repercussions for those attempting to rekindle past connections through chain migration and community renewal.
Assisted passages to Queensland, for example, were offered during the s and s, abandoned inand revived again in Untilimmigration was largely regulated by conditions in the originating homelands and in Queensland itself, and as a result each slight trade depression was reflected in a similar lowering in immigration rates, danish language press in america doctoral dissertation the university of michigan 1972 scandinavians.
The severe drought and depression in caused assisted migration to be suspended in March of that year, and was not resumed until much later in the decade. Remarkably, during a small window of revived assisted passages between and more than new Scandinavians took the chance to immigrate, however, by this time the Queensland government was hardly able to support these new arrivals as it had almost run out of money.
Despite their best efforts at attracting northern European migrants of a similar level to those in the United States, the Queensland government faced significant difficulties in promoting their colony to an uninformed and wary Nordic population. The largest, according to Koivukangas, was the simple lack of immigrant knowledge about Australia, let alone Queensland, in Scandinavia.
Many immigration agents at the turn of the century were asked by prospective immigrants whether they would become slaves on arrival, or be pressed into fighting for the British army against the Boers instead of going to the Australian colony. Consequently, many Scandinavian arrivals were seen to make use of the assisted passage program to gain entry to Australia, but then migrated internally to southern states shortly after arrival.
According to P. Hansen, living conditions in Queensland were particularly severe, frequently causing already established Scandinavians to leave Brisbane for southern cities, seeking opportunities elsewhere. Furthermore, unfavourable reports from unsuccessful and unhappy migrants began to appear in the Scandinavian press, as the Nordic governments attempted to stem the excessive emigration of their citizens at a time of rapid late industrialisation.
As a result of this negative backlash and generally poor results, the assisted migration program was eventually scrapped indanish language press in america doctoral dissertation the university of michigan 1972 scandinavians, and later emigrants had to pay a full fare.
ByEmpire Migration schemes were also attempted; however, issues of state control and funding constantly undermined their efficacy and caused many to fail terribly. As such, into the twentieth century most migration settlement schemes were explicitly designed to strengthen British migration and develop a culturally homogenised British-Australian nation; despite being racially accepted, rarely did such schemes include provisions for Nordic migrants, who were required to self-fund their journeys.
Nonetheless Scandinavians remained one of the largest groups to enter Queensland during the late-nineteenth century before their numbers slowly diminished during the early twentieth century. Bythe Scandinavian diaspora was coming to an end, and only a small trickle of Nordic migrants would follow in the ensuing decades anyway.
Numbers would only begin to increase again after the s, following another wave of Danish language press in america doctoral dissertation the university of michigan 1972 scandinavians immigration in the s and danish language press in america doctoral dissertation the university of michigan 1972 scandinavians. Queensland of the late-nineteenth century was possibly the most diversely populated of all the Australian colonies. Native-born jostled with immigrants from a wide spectrum of cultural backgrounds, and this included the largest danish language press in america doctoral dissertation the university of michigan 1972 scandinavians of Scandinavians to call Australia their new home.
Between andthe more than Scandinavians that came to Queensland as assisted immigrants — refreshing Danish migrant communities substantially while fostering growth in the Queensland dairying industry — attest to the successes of what was in essence a troubled scheme.
It is also important to reiterate that only Queensland provided such assisted passage schemes for non-British newcomers from Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Germany, and Switzerland.
Due to this, Maximilian Brändle posits that colonial Queensland was a pace-setter in immigration and ideas of cultural pluralism, danish language press in america doctoral dissertation the university of michigan 1972 scandinavians. Between andonly Queensland and Western Australia maintained a continuous policy of attracting migrants, and was a pioneer in seeking substantial migrant groups of non-British origins, notably from Scandinavia and Germany.
PhD thesis, University of Southern Queensland, Olavi Koivukangas, Scandinavian Immigration and Settlement in Australia before World War II. PhD thesis, Australian National University, Published as a monograph, Turku, Institute for Migration, Olavi Koivukangas and John Stanley Martin, The Scandinavians in Australia. Melbourne, AE Press, Queensland History JournalVol. Jens Lyng and O. Nelson, History of the Scandinavians in Australasia.
Melbourne, West Melbourne Printing Works, Jens Lyng, Non-Britishers in Australia: Influence on Population and Progress, Melbourne, Macmillan, Brändle and S. Karas edsMulticultural Queensland: The People and Communities of Queensland. Ethnic Communities Council of Queensland, Kangaroo Point, Qld,pp. Skip to Main Content Area. Search this site:. Byrnes and T.
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